By Wong Choon Mei
Quick to sense the rising unhappiness over incoming premier Najib Abdul Razak’s improper power grab of the Perak state government last month, his politically more-savvy mentor Mahathir Mohamad has admitted that his protege was “too careless” and acted “in conflict with the law”.
But the palliative is unlikely to soothe Perakians - nor Malaysians across the country - who watched in disbelief the lopsided political wrangling and open abuse of federal institutions by Najib and his party, particularly the courts and the police, to carry out their political will.
“Umno-Barisan Nasional was too careless and did not wait for an assembly but instead asked the Ruler to sack the Menteri Besar,” Mahathir told the press over the weekend.
The feisty 83-year old was referring to Sultan Azlah Shah’s decision to accept Najib’s offer of an Umno-BN line-up to form the new state government following the defection of three Pakatan Rakyat assemblymen. According to Najib, the royal decision was correct, but to many in the country - including the legal fraternity - it was highly questionable.
Firstly, the status of the trio was already being challenged in the courts and then, Pakatan Rakyat Menteri Besar Nizar Jamaluddin - the incumbent chief minister at that time - had refuse to give way.
Instead, Nizar had sought a dissolution of the state assembly so that fresh election could be held, allowing the people to choose the government that they wanted.
“You cannot topple a Menteri Besar or a Prime Minister without a no-confidence vote in the assembly. There is no other provision,” Mahathir expounded. “As far as I know, there is no such provision in the Perak or Federal Constitution.”
Politically less alert
Hundreds of kilometres away in a quiet part of the north-western state in which he has created such a storm of dislike and distrust for himself and his Umno party, the politically less-alert Najib continued to insist that he was right and that the ends justified the means.
“BN has no doubt that Zambry Kadir is the legitimate Menteri Besar and his executive council is the legitimate state executive council,” he said while announcing his party’s candidate for an upcoming by-election at the nearby Bukit Gantang constituency.
“Let the court decide. Let us not resort to rioting or lying on the road,” Najib added, referring to the rash of protests that broke out following his act of influencing the Perak Ruler to accept a new Umno-BN state government.
Indeed, the Pakatan has launched a barrage of lawsuits against the Umno-BN for contravening the state constitution and installing a new administration unsanctioned by the legislative assembly.
However, few Malaysians have confidence in the independence of their judiciary, where allegations of corruption and judge-fixing are rampant. For example, a Royal Commission of Inquiry found sufficient evidence and recommended an investigation into Mahathir himself for trying to influence the outcome of major cases.
Why does the pot keep calling the kettle black?
Yet that has not stopped Mahathir nor his protege Najib from taking the high moral ground and slamming corruption as a vice to be shunned. Over the weekend, the ex-premier also advised Najib not to appoint anyone who was corrupt into his cabinet.
“People are watching and we know who is corrupt. If Najib as prime minister chooses them, it will be signing his own death warrant and he will lose the 13th general election. There is a lot of money politics and if corrupt leaders win, then Umno will not regain support,” said Mahathir.
Sadly, among the current crop of first-tier political leaders - whether from Umno or outside - Najib perhaps carries the greatest ‘baggage’.
He has been hounded by allegations of graft throughout his 33-year career and just a week ago, both he and his wife - Rosmah Mansor - hit the headlines in Europe over the sensational commission and murder case of Mongolian translator Altantuya Shaariibuu.
The news report published by well-known French newspaper Liberation alleged that a jealous Rosmah had refused to pay Altantuya a cent of her US$500,000 share of a 114 million euros commission for Malaysia’s purchase of three submarines sanctioned by Najib, who was then defence minister.
Altantuya’s refusal to leave empty-handed eventually led to her brutal killing in Malaysia in 2006 at the hands of two elite police bodyguards, who previously had been assigned to protect Rosmah.
Both Najib and Rosmah have repeatedly denied the allegations. Yet when a fast-rising young lawmaker - Gobind Singh Deo - tried to question Najib in the Malaysian Parliament over the incident, the government quickly hammered through a motion barring him from the august House for 12 months.
Quick to sense the rising unhappiness over incoming premier Najib Abdul Razak’s improper power grab of the Perak state government last month, his politically more-savvy mentor Mahathir Mohamad has admitted that his protege was “too careless” and acted “in conflict with the law”.
But the palliative is unlikely to soothe Perakians - nor Malaysians across the country - who watched in disbelief the lopsided political wrangling and open abuse of federal institutions by Najib and his party, particularly the courts and the police, to carry out their political will.
“Umno-Barisan Nasional was too careless and did not wait for an assembly but instead asked the Ruler to sack the Menteri Besar,” Mahathir told the press over the weekend.
The feisty 83-year old was referring to Sultan Azlah Shah’s decision to accept Najib’s offer of an Umno-BN line-up to form the new state government following the defection of three Pakatan Rakyat assemblymen. According to Najib, the royal decision was correct, but to many in the country - including the legal fraternity - it was highly questionable.
Firstly, the status of the trio was already being challenged in the courts and then, Pakatan Rakyat Menteri Besar Nizar Jamaluddin - the incumbent chief minister at that time - had refuse to give way.
Instead, Nizar had sought a dissolution of the state assembly so that fresh election could be held, allowing the people to choose the government that they wanted.
“You cannot topple a Menteri Besar or a Prime Minister without a no-confidence vote in the assembly. There is no other provision,” Mahathir expounded. “As far as I know, there is no such provision in the Perak or Federal Constitution.”
Politically less alert
Hundreds of kilometres away in a quiet part of the north-western state in which he has created such a storm of dislike and distrust for himself and his Umno party, the politically less-alert Najib continued to insist that he was right and that the ends justified the means.
“BN has no doubt that Zambry Kadir is the legitimate Menteri Besar and his executive council is the legitimate state executive council,” he said while announcing his party’s candidate for an upcoming by-election at the nearby Bukit Gantang constituency.
“Let the court decide. Let us not resort to rioting or lying on the road,” Najib added, referring to the rash of protests that broke out following his act of influencing the Perak Ruler to accept a new Umno-BN state government.
Indeed, the Pakatan has launched a barrage of lawsuits against the Umno-BN for contravening the state constitution and installing a new administration unsanctioned by the legislative assembly.
However, few Malaysians have confidence in the independence of their judiciary, where allegations of corruption and judge-fixing are rampant. For example, a Royal Commission of Inquiry found sufficient evidence and recommended an investigation into Mahathir himself for trying to influence the outcome of major cases.
Why does the pot keep calling the kettle black?
Yet that has not stopped Mahathir nor his protege Najib from taking the high moral ground and slamming corruption as a vice to be shunned. Over the weekend, the ex-premier also advised Najib not to appoint anyone who was corrupt into his cabinet.
“People are watching and we know who is corrupt. If Najib as prime minister chooses them, it will be signing his own death warrant and he will lose the 13th general election. There is a lot of money politics and if corrupt leaders win, then Umno will not regain support,” said Mahathir.
Sadly, among the current crop of first-tier political leaders - whether from Umno or outside - Najib perhaps carries the greatest ‘baggage’.
He has been hounded by allegations of graft throughout his 33-year career and just a week ago, both he and his wife - Rosmah Mansor - hit the headlines in Europe over the sensational commission and murder case of Mongolian translator Altantuya Shaariibuu.
The news report published by well-known French newspaper Liberation alleged that a jealous Rosmah had refused to pay Altantuya a cent of her US$500,000 share of a 114 million euros commission for Malaysia’s purchase of three submarines sanctioned by Najib, who was then defence minister.
Altantuya’s refusal to leave empty-handed eventually led to her brutal killing in Malaysia in 2006 at the hands of two elite police bodyguards, who previously had been assigned to protect Rosmah.
Both Najib and Rosmah have repeatedly denied the allegations. Yet when a fast-rising young lawmaker - Gobind Singh Deo - tried to question Najib in the Malaysian Parliament over the incident, the government quickly hammered through a motion barring him from the august House for 12 months.
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